Introduction. The influence of the ideas of Abbot Suger on the formation of French Gothic

There lived in the twelfth century a man who made the greatest contribution to the development of the Gothic style. His name was Suger and he was an abbot in the monastery of Saint-Denis, near Paris. The emergence of the Gothic style in architecture, as a rule, dates back to 1137-1143, when Suger rebuilt the Church of Saint-Denis. However, his innovations were not so new. Buttresses, although rare, were still used earlier, and at the beginning of the twelfth century the first few ribs and pointed vaults appeared. Even before Suger, stained glass began to be used in the small windows of some churches. Rose windows also already existed, but this effect was not achieved with the help of colored glass, as was the case in Saint-Denis. Suger was the first to innovatively and harmoniously combine all these elements in one building, resulting in a completely new sense of light and space.

Formulating his aesthetic principles, Suger relied on the doctrine of light and emanation, the author of which was his patron, Saint Denis. Suger and his contemporaries believed that Saint Denis (the great martyr who brought Christianity to France) and Dionysius the Areopagite (disciple of Saint Paul) were one and the same person (Acts 17:34). The abbey, built on the supposed burial site of Saint Denis, housed Greek copies of the philosophical works of Dionysius. It was later established that these books belonged to the pen of an anonymous author, who was called Pseudo-Dionysius. Pseudo-Dionysius lived in the fifth century, was a Neoplatonist, a student, if not of Proclus, then of his heir Damascus, one of the last leaders of the Athenian Platonic school. Then Pseudo-Dionysius converted to Christianity.

The works of Pseudo-Dionysius, which are both Christian and Neoplatonic, should be considered among the most mystical writings. In his work “On Divine Names” we are talking about the inexpressible, light-bringing nature of the Divine. And the “Heavenly Hierarchy” describes the harmonious emanation structure of creation, the trinity of God and the consistent progression from the “divine principles” through the nine-level hierarchy of angels. For Pseudo-Dionysius, as for St. Augustine, number is inseparable from nature, both from the higher and lower levels of existence. The beliefs of both philosophers were based on Pythagorean and Platonic principles.

The theology of Pseudo-Dionysius is essentially a message of light, since he describes God and the mystical hierarchy in terms of light. He identifies God with light and "Good" - a word that means "the pinnacle of Divinity" and which Plato often used as a definition of the Absolute. According to Pseudo-Dionysius, God as Good is “the Archetypal Light, superior to any other light.” He "gives light to everything that can receive it... and he is the measure of all beings and their Principle of eternity, number, order and unity."


This quote refers to all the main elements of Suger's theology: 1) God as light, which is the source of everything; 2) divine emanation from abstraction to a denser form; 3) number, order and measure, as the source of all creation.

It was these principles that served as the philosophical model of the forms of Saint-Denis and all subsequent Gothic cathedrals. It was the Gothic church that turned, first of all, after Suger’s innovations, into an expression of this bright philosophy of proportions.

Using the reliable support of the church and the state (Saint-Denis was not only a shrine erected in honor of the patron saint of France, but also the burial place of French kings), Suger quickly reconstructed the abbey church. Of particular interest is the expanded choir, the first of many features unique to the New Gothic style. The heavier Romanesque buttresses and domed cross vault were replaced by slender columns and a combination of rounded and pointed arches. This concentration of these buttresses, along with the expansion of the wall buttresses, made it possible to narrow the walls and enlarge the windows, adding light to the interior. Stained glass in the windows made rays of divine light visible and accessible. The stained glass windows were an illustration of the trinity of the nature of divine light, as it was understood by Pseudo-Dionysius and the Neoplatonists: luminous, abstract essence(Father); the ephemeral matter of stained glass (Mother); illuminated images of man and nature (Son). All this was achieved with lead patterns and colored glass.

Contemplating the splendor of the Church of Suger, a person who visited it could remember the statement of Dionysius that by virtue of “possessing the Light of the Father originally given to us, which is the Source of Divinity, which in figurative symbols shows us the images of the blessed angelic hierarchies,” we must “strive to climb” these images to "his Primary Ray". The height of the Gothic cathedral and its radiant windows could cause the gaze and mind of man to rush upward, and through symbols, radiant light and sacred geometric forms, reveal to him the divine order.

Following the then prevailing belief that divine emanation was concentrated in precious stones and metals, Suger attracted skilled craftsmen to fill the space around the altar with objects made from these materials. The cathedral, with its jewel-like stained glass windows, its sparkling ornamentation made of gold and precious stones, its base adorned with precious stones, began to resemble St. John's description of the New Jerusalem. For, according to this description, Jerusalem “has the glory of God; its light is like a most precious stone, like crystalline jasper,” and “its wall was built of jasper, and the city was pure gold, like pure glass” (Rev. 21: 11.18).

Suger, who left a detailed description of the reconstruction of the church, inscribed several sentences on the main doors of the temple, in which he described his achievements:

This is part of what belongs to you, O Great Martyr Denis...

Light is noble work, but being nobly light, work must Enlighten the mind so that it can ascend along the steps of true light to the True Light, the true gate of which is Christ.

In this dedication, addressing the philosophy of light and emanation created by Dionysius, Suger points out how the new church and its decoration can serve as an instrument of transformation, an alchemical cup decorated with expensive stones, thanks to which a person can return to divine light.

In the 11th century, even before the birth of Abbot Suger, France was in feudal fragmentation. The French economy at that time gave positive results, hinting at the imminent centralization of the state.

From the second half of the 11th century. agricultural growth can be seen throughout France. Gradually, more and more lands are being developed and forests are being cleared. Thanks to the improvement of land cultivation, productivity increased, which increased the standard of living of the population. People are getting sick and going hungry less and less often.

During the same period, life resumes in old cities, and new ones appear. Crafts and trade are concentrated in them. However, even the urban population was engaged in agriculture.

The development of Northern and Southern cities differed significantly. Southern cities, such as Marseille, Toulouse, Bordeaux, etc., flourished due to trade with Eastern countries. They were not interested in either royal power or its patronage. In such cities, the local government was the consulate, and the legislative body was the Grand Council. Southern cities practically turned into separate independent republics.

The northern cities of France, such as Amiens, Reims, Beauvais, etc., developed completely differently. Their prosperity was associated, first of all, with the development of crafts, namely clothmaking. But despite their growth, these cities were under the authority of large lords and bishops. The northern cities still had to fight for their freedom and self-government.

Northern cities of France, starting from the 11th century. made attempts to achieve freedom through ransom, but many feudal lords neglected the contracts, and then the townspeople were forced to arm themselves. Over the following centuries, many cities won communal freedoms. Commune cities such as Beauvais, Amiens, Saint-Quentin, Laon, Noyon, Reims and others acquired elected self-government, their own courts and taxation. Most often, the lord of such commune cities was the king himself, to whom they were obliged to pay a vassal tax, which was recorded in the local charter.

The royal power itself did not immediately support the liberation movement of the cities, but gradually, realizing that the cities were reliable allies against the large feudal nobility, it began to help the cities. Thanks to the support of the cities, the monarchy managed to rise, defeat its main opponents and gain independence.

But at that time, the royal power did not yet have any influence, all its rights were formal and in fact, the king’s power extended no further than his domain. Large vassals did not want to obey the crown and pay fief for their lands. At first, the kings themselves were only busy improving their domain, resolving conflicts with vassals. At that time, not a single state law was issued, as it would have been simply ignored. Local self-government in the domain was handled by the royal court, and state affairs were managed by the royal curia, in which the vassal nobility sat.

Also, the royal power tried to find support from the clergy. She glorified the king, noted his “divinity” and “holiness,” which strengthened his authority; in return, the crown protected the rights of the clergy from attacks on her by the local nobility.

Many experts associate the birth of Gothic with the name of the French abbot of Saint-Denis - Suger. Therefore, studying Gothic is impossible without considering the biography of this abbot, and even more so without his worldview.

Suger began his life's journey around 1081 near Paris. There is no exact documentary evidence about the family of the future abbot. It is assumed that he was a representative of a family of wealthy peasants or small knights who owned land in the village of Channeviere-le-Louvre, located just 18 kilometers from the Abbey of Saint-Denis, which played a significant role in the fate of Suger. This assumption is based on the fact that Suger’s father was a relative (brother or uncle) of Suger the Great, Sire de Chennevières. Currently, Roissy Airport is located in this village.

Only a few names of Suger’s relatives have been preserved in history. This is his father - Helinad and his two brothers - Raoul and Pierre. Pierre, like Suger, devoted himself to serving catholic church, becoming a cleric. Nothing is known about other relatives, including Suger’s mother. Suger also never mentioned her anywhere, on the basis of this, historians believe that he did not know her at all. Since Suger was considered an orphan, he could become dedicated to the Church (oblatus), which is what his father did, giving ten-year-old Suger to the Abbey of Saint-Denis.

Initiation of the Church had different consequences for boys who were accepted into abbeys and monasteries. So in the West of the country the Basilian traditions were honored, according to which the boy could return to worldly life upon reaching the age of maturity. In the East, where Suger’s family lived, the Rule of Saint Benedict was held in high esteem, which recognized paternal authority as decisive in determining the path of family members. Thus, Suger's father, having brought him to the abbey, predestined him future fate, which connected the boy’s entire future life with serving the church. Once in the abbey, Suger found his adoptive family, who helped him overcome the complete break from the worlds in which he had lived before. Subsequently, Suger always remembered life in the abbey with love and gratitude, calling the Abbot of Saint-Denis Adam his spiritual father and breadwinner.

Historians assess young Suger’s admission to the Estre orphanage school differently. This school accepted not only boys from the orphanage, but also children who did not plan to devote themselves to serving the church to receive their initial education. Thus, the orphans became classmates with the sons of the main court servants and surrounding chatelaines. And in 1091, the future king of France also entered there.

Some researchers are of the opinion that it was here that the friendship between the future King of France Louis VI and the future abbot arose.

Someone is of the opinion that Louis VI might not have been able to single out Suger from the crowd of boys, even though they were almost the same age. This version is considered more plausible, since the future king was physically more developed than the future abbot, so Sugeria could not participate in sparring.

The joint attendance of the prince and the orphan at school did not last long, because in 1092 Louis left the school. His father, Philip I, entrusted the education of his son to the knight Herluin of Paris and sent them to the Norman border.

The meeting, which became decisive in the fate of Louis VI and Suger, took place in 1111, which some researchers call the real one.

Suger studied at school for ten years, developing the skill of shorthand almost to the speed of speech. It was noted that he was an excellent storyteller and had a good memory, memorizing the works of many Roman poets. He was especially inspired by the work of Mark Anei Lucan “Pharsalia”, quotes from which he inserted into his work “The Life of Louis Tolstoy”. Researchers also note imitation of Lucan in the lines that Suger wrote on his own.

In 1101, Suger returned to the Abbey of Saint-Denis. Most of his time was devoted to prayer and reflection on Holy Scripture. In his free time, Suger continued his studies, studying in the monastery library under the guidance of its custodian. There is an opinion that it was during this period that Suger began to put the monastery archive in order. Perhaps this happened on behalf of Abbot Adam. Working with the abbey's archival documents allowed him to thoroughly study the abbey's possessions, which, in turn, in the future allowed him to defend the abbey's rights to lost domains and privileges. His obedience and diligence became the first steps in his career.

In 1104, Suger again left the abbey in order to continue his education. Researchers do not have a consensus on the location of the next two years. Among the places where Suger continued his education are:

  • - Marmoutier;
  • - Fontevrault;
  • - Saint-Florent-de-Saumur;
  • - Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire

The next step was the first participation in the Synod, which took place on May 26, 1106 in Poitiers under the leadership of the legate Pope Paschal II.

In 1107 Suger took part in public life churches.

Thus, in the priory of Charité-sur-Loire in Berry (where Suger participated in the consecration of the church), Suger discovered his talent as a judicial orator, managed to defend the rights and privileges of Saint-Denis in a dispute with the Parisian Bishop Galon and earned fame as an orator with a skill with which no one could not compare, even in the royal curia.

Suger also participated:

  • - on a joint pastoral trip to France with the Pope (late March - early April 1107);
  • - in the meeting of the king and prince of France (Philip I and Louis VI) with Pope Paschal II (late April);
  • - in a meeting with imperial envoys in Chalons-on-Marne (early May);
  • - in the Synod, which took place in Troyes (May 23).

Soon Suger received his first position - provost, and moved to Normandy in Bernay-val-le-grand-en-Caux, where he stayed until 1109. The receipt of the first administrative position was accompanied by a transfer to the priory of Toury-en-Beauce, which was located in the holy lands.

The period of service in Toury-en-Beauce gave Suger invaluable experience, which would be useful to him in the future, when he rose to the top of his career.

The Priory of Toury-en-Beauce was quite rich and more important than Bernay-val-le-grand-en-Caux, but was surrounded by the possessions of the restless barons of Chatrrain. Since the position of Suger implied not only carrying out church duties, but also implementing administrative management Priority, while serving in Turi-en-Bos, Suger was able to:

  • - comprehend the science of sound management;
  • - gain military experience during the military conflict between Louis VI and the lord du Puizet,
  • - get acquainted with the Norman institutions, which were the result of the organizational work of the King of England and the Duke of Normandy, Henry I Beauclerc, in order to find a compromise solution in the process of fighting the federal freemen;
  • - resist the unrest of the barons, which in his work “The Life of Louis Tolstoy” he called the “rebellious tyranny” of the greedy barons.

It was the service in Toury-en-Beauce that allowed King Louis VI and Sugeria to meet. This happened on March 12, 1111 in Melun at a meeting of the royal curia, where Louis VI listened to bishops and abbots who asked for protection from Hugo III and his vassals.

In the same year, the king became convinced of the provost’s devotion and appreciated his organizational talents.

The following year, 1112, a second meeting between the king and Suger took place in Corbeil. The reason for this meeting was Suger's petition for Hugo du Puise to the king. Suger's petition amused the king, and the answer to Hugo's requests was the second siege of Puiset Castle.

Sugeria remained the prime minister of Turia until 1115, but most likely he was already involved not only in the affairs of the priory, since it is known that at the end of 1113 he had the mayor of Turia, the royal servant Hugo, among his assistants.

In the summer of 1115, Suger received a promotion, taking the position of subdeacon. As historians note, around this period Suger took an active part in church politics. Evidence of this is a number of assignments that he carried out in relation to the pope since 1118. Some of the official orders include:

  • - participation in the delegation, as its head, that greeted Pope Gelasius II in the south of France (Magelonne, 1118-1119);
  • - preparation for the meeting of Pope Calixtus II (autumn 1119);
  • - a trip to Italy on royal affairs to meet with Pope Bitonto. In the winter of 1122, after the death of Abbot Adam, Suger was elected abbot of Saint-Denis. Taking on a new position was not straightforward for Suger. This appointment was made when Suger was returning from Italy from a meeting with Pope Bitonto. The new position caused controversy for Suger, since he did not have a priestly rank, and the chapter of the abbey did not ask the approval of the candidate from the French king Louis VI. And the reaction of Pope Bitonto was unknown, because the Abbey of Saint-Denis was directly dependent on the Holy See.

However, Pope Bitonto and Louis VI accepted this appointment and on March 11, 1122, Suger was ordained a priest, and the next day ordained an abbot.

Suger became abbot of Saint-Denis at a difficult time for the abbey, which was experiencing spiritual and secular decline. Significant territorial possessions and legal power obliged the abbey to take part in secular politics, which obliged the abbot to demonstrate not only the humility of a monk, but also secular luxury worthy of neighboring lords, for which the abbey was criticized.

The year 1124 was the year Suger was recognized as the faithful and best adviser to the French king. This was preceded by a difficult time for the kingdom. The coalition between the English king Henry Beauclerc and the German king Henry V began to threaten the eastern lands of France, planning to strike Reims.

To counter this threat, Louis VI turned to the French people for support in the fight against his enemies. The king was actively supported by Suger. To form a national army and boost morale, the king and abbot organized a ceremony in Saint-Denis to hand over the banner from the altar of Saint Dionysius to Louis VI. This banner was positioned as a symbol of the main patron of the kingdom and the special patron of the dynasty.

However, the conflict was limited to border skirmishes, which did not develop into a decisive battle, since Henry V had to withdraw troops to solve his own internal problems.

Upon returning to Paris, Louis VI immediately went to Saint-Denis to express gratitude to Saint Dionysius for the victory. After this, it became a tradition for French kings to raise the flag of St. Dionysius before significant military enterprises.

From 1125, Abbot Suger gradually began to move away from papal politics, and gradually switched to the problems of Saint-Denis. He started:

  • - restoration of the abbey's rights to the lands it had lost;
  • - settlement of property and legal disputes;
  • - increasing the profitability of the abbey;
  • - construction and reconstruction of the abbey itself.

But he did not withdraw from the internal affairs of the kingdom. This is how he took part:

  • - in the consecration of the main cathedral of the Abbey of Saint-Martin-des-Champs, after reconstruction (1128);
  • - at the synod in Saint-Germain-des-Prés (1129), at this synod Sugeria achieved the return of the women's abbey of Argenteuil to the abbey;
  • - at the coronation of the heir to the throne, Prince Philip;
  • - in the assembly on recognizing Innocent II as supreme pontiff and providing him with support (1130, Etampes).

In 1131, Suger convinced Louis VI to crown his second son, Louis the Young, after the tragic death of Prince Philip. His appointment to accompany Prince Louis the Young also played an important role in the fate of Suger. In 1137, Louis the Young, heir to the French crown, married Alienora of Aquitaine in Bordeaux. The heir to the French crown, on his first such a long and distant journey, undoubtedly benefited from the advice and help of the experienced Abbot of Saint-Denis.

That year there was terrible heat and dryness. Suger, already 56 years old, made a will before this trip. But the trip went well, only upon his return he no longer found his royal friend alive: King Louis VI left this world on August 1, when the wedding cortege was just on the outskirts of Poitiers.

A new round of political activity began for Suger - he became the closest adviser to the young king as opposed to his mother, Queen Adelaide, and his cousin Raoul I, Comte de Vermandois. In the autumn of 1137, together with Louis VII, Suger made a long journey to Burgundy from Langres to Osser to take an oath of allegiance from local vassals; and in the spring of the following year they went to Poitou for the same purpose. In the autumn of 1138, Louis VII undertook a military expedition to Poitou to suppress the rebellion and siege the castle of Talmont.

However, in 1140, Louis VII expressed his desire to become independent from his father's adviser and appointed Kadurk to the post of royal adviser, which led to a decrease in Suger's political influence.

Suger never held any official position at court, he did not seem to be subject to disgrace - he simply quietly retreated into the shadows and, from time to time acting as a peacemaker, devoted himself entirely to the reorganization and decoration of the abbey.

After being removed from the royal court, Suger began rebuilding the main cathedral dedicated to St. Dionysius. So on June 9, the new narthex was consecrated, and on July 14, the construction of the narthex ceilings began. It lasted for almost four years.

After the completion of external work in the cathedral (spring of 1144), interior decoration began: installation of altars, strengthening of the first stained glass windows. In the depths of the choir, an altar of the holy Martyrs - Dionysius, Rusticus and Eleuther - was erected from carved gray porphyry, the front side of which was decorated with a golden antependium, literally covered with many precious stones: rubies, sapphires, topazes, hyacinths; Suger even forced his noble guests to give stones from their rings for this altar and he himself set an example. At the beginning of 1145, Suger specially invited famous Lorraine jewelers to make a large golden cross, work on which would take more than two years. This cross will be placed behind the high altar and consecrated by Pope Eugene III (1145-1153) on Easter 1147.

On June 11, 1144, the consecration of the new church of St. Dionysius took place, which shocked contemporaries with its grandeur and beauty. Unfortunately, little has reached us from the buildings of that time - in the second half of the 13th century. Abbots Ed and Mathieu undertook new alterations that distorted the original appearance of the cathedral.

In 1147, Suger was appointed regent of France for the period of the Second Crusade. Suger accepted this appointment only at the insistence of the pope. Sugeria motivated his refusal to accept the regency by the fact that it would be too heavy a burden for the old man that he is. On Holy Saturday, April 19, Eugene III entrusted Suger with the care of governing the state in completely unequivocal words, elevating him to the rank of apostolic vicar, and subjected the church to anathema to all disturbers of public order.

On June 8, 1147, King Louis VII, together with his mother Adelaide of Savoy and a huge retinue, visited Saint-Denis. Like his father, Louis the Young accepted the banner from the altar of St. Dionysius "according to the custom of ancient kings when they had to go to war or fulfill a vow of pilgrimage." It is possible that it was then that Suger recommended to Louis VII the monk Odon († 1170), originally from the village of Dey, who had previously been prior of La Chapelle-Aude and was distinguished by his diplomatic abilities, as a chaplain and historiographer.

But just before leaving in August 1147, the king nevertheless appointed his regents: Samson de Mauvoisin, Archbishop of Reims (1140-1162), and Raoul, Count of Vermandois (1119-1152). Fortunately, Samson, a man of extraordinary spiritual merit, always supported Suger a good relationship and now, for the good of the state, he agreed to act in subordination. Count Raoul was a more inconvenient man, but his appointment was actually annulled by the fact of his excommunication, which was lifted only after the death of his first wife, at the Synod of Reims on March 21, 1148. In addition, at the end of 1147, Suger wisely assigned the warlike and energetic Raoul did what he loved most - he sent the count to the Norman border in Gisors to put the castle in a state of defense.

The regency set Suger a difficult task: protecting France from the attacks of its many enemies, preserving the rights of the crown within the country and confronting rebels, increasing revenue from crown domains and regular cash assistance, necessary overseas for King Louis VII - that is, justice, order and peace. During the regency period, Suger was forced to leave Saint-Denis and arrive at the royal palace in Paris. In his labors, Suger was supported by Pope Eugene III, who, by a bull dated October 6, 1147, asked Suger to inform him of bishops who resist helping him. St. Bernard supported Suger with his advice and influence, addressing him with respect as the real head of state. The great vassals of the crown: Geoffrey V Plantagenet, Count of Anjou and Duke of Normandy (1128-1151), and Etienne de Blois, King of England (1135-1154) and Count of Boulogne, conducted friendly correspondence with him, in which they showed deep respect. Theodoric of Alsace, Count of Flanders (1128-1168), revealed to Suger the machinations of the royal brother Robert and offered his help, including military support.

At the instigation younger brother French king Robert, Comte de Droz and former royal chancellor Cadurc spread rumors in the country defaming Louis VII, reproaching him for disgracing the life and power of the king. He was accused of hypocrisy, cowardice, and excessive simplicity; All the failures of the troops in the East were attributed to him. On the other hand, the conspirators tried to discredit Suger in the eyes of the king, and they partially succeeded.

Propaganda grew. The situation became even more complicated when Louis VII announced that after Easter on April 3, 1149 he was leaving the Holy Land. Saint Bernard supported Suger in opposition to Robert, Comte de Droz and the former royal chancellor Cadourque.

Relying on this support, on May 8, 1149, Suger convened in Soissons all the secular and spiritual grandees of the kingdom, starting with the Archbishop of Reims and the Count of Flanders. The sovereigns acted unanimously, showing loyalty to Louis VII, and this was enough to calm the indignation: Robert humbly resigned himself, abandoned his plans and clearly repented; maybe he was even punished somehow. In any case, in a letter to St. He promised Bernard that he would improve. At the same time or shortly after the assembly in Soissons, both the people and the palace began to call Suger “Father of the Fatherland.”

On his way back to France, Louis VII met with the pope in Tusculum on October 9, 1149. Eugene III tried to smooth out the slander and raise Suger's authority in the eyes of the king, whom he advised to meet with the regent face to face. Louis heeded the advice and ordered his minister to come to the meeting in great secrecy. The secret meeting turned the situation in a direction favorable for Suger.

As soon as the king returned to Paris, Suger lost power. At the very end of the year, he once again acted as a mediator between Louis VII and Geoffrey V Plantagenet, who suddenly laid siege to the royal castle of Montreuil-Bellay, and persuaded both to seek a path to agreement, managing to save France from a new war.

The unsuccessful siege of Antioch and the completely fruitless, inglorious outcome of the crusade shocked Suger. In March 1150, on his initiative, an assembly of nobility was convened in Lana to resolve the issue of helping Antioch and saving the True Cross. A new assembly held at Chartres on May 7 showed that neither the king nor the grandees were ready to act immediately. The decision was postponed for a month. But the third assembly took place only on July 15 in Compiegne and was a complete fiasco: at the moment of truth, Suger was left alone.

At the end of summer, Suger decided to undertake a pilgrimage to the grave of St. Martin of Tours. After making a long and difficult journey to Tours and back to Saint-Denis, the 70-year-old abbot came down with a fever. Suger spent three months in bed, constantly returning to business as his health improved: he wrote letters, was engaged in reforming the Abbey of Saint-Corney-de-Compiegne, selected candidates for the episcopal sees in Arras and Laon, and received endless visitors. Already, being completely ill, he intervened in a quarrel between Louis VII and his brother Henry, Bishop of Beauvais (1144-1162, † 1175), and asked the latter to submit to the will of the king. In a farewell letter to Louis VII, entrusting the king and France to God, and Saint-Denis to the king, he wrote: “Keep this letter with you forever, since you cannot me...”.

Realizing that he had little time left, Suger ordered to call on his friends - the bishops of Soissons, Noyon and Senlis - and entrusted them with the care of his soul and his body. Abbot Suger died on Saturday, January 13, 1151, on the feast of the Epiphany, in his cell in Saint-Denis, in the 71st year of his life and the 29th year of his tenure as abbot. He was buried in the Cistercian monastery of Barbot with great solemnity, in the presence of six bishops and many abbots and King Louis VII.

According to legend, Suger once again returned to his beloved Saint-Denis - a hundred years after his death: in 1259, Abbot Mathieu de Vendôme ordered his body to be transferred and placed in the thickness of the wall of the southern transept of the cathedral; outside there was only a simple inscription: Hic jacet Sugerius abbas (Here lies Abbot Suger).

Abbot Suger was one of the most educated people of his time. Theologian, historian, adviser, regent of the French king Louis VII, in addition to philosophical works, he wrote a treatise on the aesthetics of Christian architecture, in which he substantiated the symbolic meaning of many elements of the architectural composition, including stained glass windows and pointed arches.

July 14, 1140 is considered the birthday of Gothic architecture. It was on this day that work began aimed at reconstructing the choir of the church in the Benedictine monastery of Saint-Denis, which began with the initiative of Abbot Suger.

This church was recognized, and is still recognized, as the pinnacle of artistic excellence, which harmoniously combined elements and motifs of architecture that are currently considered signs of Gothic art. It is this church that is considered the source of something new for that time architectural style- Gothic.

The formation of a new vision of cathedral construction was preceded by a long period of transformation not only spiritual, but also social and political aspects society of that time. Abbot Suger, who was the head of the abbey and initiated construction work, also plays a significant role in the recognition of the Church of Saint-Denis on a global scale.

The increase in the status and importance of both the church and the abbey itself was played by a number of external factors that contributed to the development of society in the Middle Ages. Historians identify two conditions that contributed to this:

  • - the active development of trade in the north of France led to the accumulation of wealth by the abbey;
  • - strengthening of royal power in the domains under its control.

It is believed that Sugeria, who was familiar with King Louis VI, also played a significant role in strengthening royal power.

This church not only became the center of the monastery and its land holdings, but also played a key role in the establishment of the French monarchy.

However, the architecture of the renewed church itself has received worldwide recognition thanks to the use of the latest achievements of architecture of the Middle Ages. It was in the royal domains centered in Paris that new directions in architecture began to take shape, which had not been used anywhere before. Therefore, the renewed Church of Saint-Denis should be considered as an object that managed to reflect the best architectural innovations, which allows us to talk about the church not as an original example of Gothic architecture, but as a catalyst for its development.

Suger's participation in the fate of royal power in France allows us to consider the Abbey of Saint-Denis involved in strengthening the power of monarchs, which was also reflected in the architectural expression of the new appearance of the church.

The first was the revival of ancient traditions, thanks to which the French kings could establish themselves as direct descendants of the legitimate royal dynasty and prove themselves worthy of this heritage. This is expressed in the fact that at the beginning of the 12th century, French kings, compared to other monarchs, played a rather modest role in political life. Moreover, their hereditary lands were surrounded on all sides by territories belonging to more powerful French rulers.

However, the French monarchs differed from all these feudal lords in their grandiose ambitions: they claimed dominance over all of France, citing their involvement in the legacy of the imperial power of Charlemagne, who was crowned at Saint-Denis in 754 as king of the Franks. The grandson of Charlemagne, Emperor Charles the Bald, was later buried here. The importance of maintaining the Carolingian tradition is demonstrated by the decision of Abbot Suger to begin the reconstruction of Saint-Denis with the restoration of the monument to Charles the Bald. Not only Frankish kings and representatives of the Merovingian dynasty were buried here; the tomb of Saint Dionysius (Denis), the patron saint of France, was also located in Saint-Denis. In the Middle Ages, this legendary first bishop of Paris was confused with Dionysius the Areopagite, a disciple of the Apostle Paul, to whom extremely important works were attributed. Christian tradition writings of Pseudo-Dionysius (probably created in Syria around 500 AD). These influential works developed the theory of celestial hierarchies, according to which the king was the representative of God on earth.

For supporters of this theory, the restoration of monarchical power was not an end in itself, but part of the divine plan of Salvation, in which the French kings were given an important place. The extent to which the French monarchy and sacred tradition were closely linked is evidenced by the fact that during the consecration of the new church of Suger, Louis VII personally transferred the relics of St. Dionysius from the old crypt to the place reserved for them on the upper tier of the choir.

The second strategy was to promote new ideas aimed at eradicating the memory of events of the recent past. In other words, the new (both in politics and in architecture) was seen as a means to appreciate and revive the old. Gothic architecture, as it originated at the Abbey of Saint-Denis, was designed to express this idea visually and tangibly.

Formulating his aesthetic principles, Suger relied on the doctrine of light and emanation, the author of which was his patron, Saint Denis. Suger and his contemporaries believed that Saint Denis (the great martyr who brought Christianity to France) and Dionysius the Areopagite (a disciple of Saint Paul) were one and the same person (Acts 17:34). The abbey, built on the supposed burial site of Saint Denis, housed Greek copies of the philosophical works of Dionysius. It was later established that these books belonged to the pen of an anonymous author, who was called Pseudo-Dionysius. Pseudo-Dionysius lived in the 5th century, was a Neoplatonist, a student, if not of Proclus, then of his heir Damascus - one of the last leaders of the Athenian Platonic school. Then Pseudo-Dionysius converted to Christianity.

The works of Pseudo-Dionysius, which are both Christian and Neoplatonic, should be considered among the most mystical writings. His work "On the Divine Names" deals with the inexpressible, light-bearing nature of the Divine. And the “Heavenly Hierarchy” describes the harmonious emanation structure of creation, the trinity of God and the consistent progression from the “divine principles” through the nine-level hierarchy of angels. For Pseudo-Dionysius, as for St. Augustine, number is inseparable from nature, both from the higher and lower levels of existence. The beliefs of both philosophers were based on Pythagorean and Platonic principles.

The theology of Pseudo-Dionysius is essentially a message of light, since he describes God and the mystical hierarchy in terms of light. He identifies God with light and "Good" - a word that designates the "summit of Divinity" and which Plato often used as a definition of the Absolute. According to Pseudo-Dionysius, God as Good is “the Archetypal Light, superior to any other light.” He "gives light to everything that can receive it... and he is the measure of all beings and their Principle of eternity, number, order and unity."

This quote applies to all the main elements of Suger's theology:

  • - God is like light, the source of everything;
  • - divine emanation from abstraction to a denser form;
  • - number, order and measure, as the source of all creation.

It was these principles that served as the philosophical model for the forms of Saint-Denis and all subsequent Gothic cathedrals. It was the Gothic church that turned, first of all, after Suger’s innovations, into an expression of this bright philosophy of proportions.

Suger believed that divine emanation was concentrated in precious stones and metals. Therefore, he employed skilled craftsmen to fill the space around the altar with objects made from these materials. The council began to resemble St. John's description of the New Jerusalem.

Suger, who left a detailed description of the reconstruction of the church, inscribed several sentences on the main doors of the temple in which he described his achievements. In his dedication, the Abbot of Saint-Denis pointed out the way for man to return to the divine light, and the image of the new church can serve as an instrument for such transformation.

The reconstruction of the church proceeded gradually. The first step was to update the westwork. Three new portals were added to make it easier for parishioners to access old church. Also, the addition of new portals helped to disguise several chapels on the upper tiers, the walls of which protruded beyond the plane of the wall. The narthex of the new façade was equipped with bundles of thick columns and a new type of vault with intersecting ribs. The battlements that crowned the facade were emphasized by buttresses. All this made the new church dynamic and flexible, and reflected the current symbolism. A new approach to architecture made it possible to emphasize the secular power of the abbey and the triumph of the monarchy. And the rich sculptural decoration of the portals, bronze gates preserved by order of Suger from the old building, explanatory inscriptions and the motif of the number three constantly repeated on the facade wall turn this westwork into a symbolic threshold of the Heavenly Jerusalem.

The restoration of the church choir began even before the restoration of the church itself was completed and was completed in 1144. At the same time, the updated choir did not have a pronounced symbolism, like the facade of the church. However, in 1231 upper tier The choir had to be redone, as there was a threat of its collapse, which is associated with very fine filigree work.

In the ambulatory with graceful columns on which massive vaults rest, the planes of the walls are almost indistinguishable. But in contrast, the area in which the almost floor-length windows are located is spacious and flooded with light. Instead of the previously accepted simple bypass, the new church of Saint-Denis uses a double-arcade ambulatory, separated from the side naves by elegant monolithic columns that take on the weight of the rib vaults with such grace as if they had no weight at all. The vaults of the external arcade are combined with the vaults of the chapels, resulting in the creation of a single, undivided space. It should be noted that architectural techniques (Burgundian pointed arch, Norman rib vault) were not new for the Middle Ages, but their combination reflected a new approach to architectural solutions.

With the joint work of Suger and the architects, the sanctuary was completed, which became a worthy crown of the entire structure, striking in its beauty. The choir of the renovated church equally shocked the imagination of both the simple, uneducated parishioner and the abbot, who was able to give this sanctuary a sophisticated allegorical interpretation. The fact that for the construction of a new choir (adjacent to the old central nave, which was preserved intact, because, according to legend, it was consecrated by Christ himself), Abbot Suger intended to bring antique columns from Rome, allows us to see the origins of Gothic architecture

A style that, according to general opinion, is innovative and non-classical - in a new light, namely as an attempt to revive ancient traditions. At the same time, the new choir and facade gave the historical nave a modern feel. In accordance with the political strategy, the old and the new strengthened and supported each other and, in the opinion of Abbot Suger, formed a whole that surpassed its component parts in grandeur.

Theoretical basis and practical guide The plans for the reconstruction of the church developed by Suger were based on the classical theories of rhetoric. Variety is one of the classic virtues of a speaker.

In Suger's plan, diversity was reflected in the nature of the building's structural parts. An indirect confirmation of this is the different style of performance of the crypt and the choir located above it. The second concept of rhetoric

Imitation also found expression in the reconstruction of the church carried out under the leadership of Suger. In this case, such a model was the old central nave of Saint-Denis with the columns decorating it. At the same time, the quality of the new creation was assessed on the basis of the merits of the old.

The Gothic architecture of the Church of Saint-Denis was not just an improved example of the Romanesque style. Rather, it was the fruit of a bold attempt to develop a new direction in architecture based on a critical study of the past. Undoubtedly, the prerequisite for the emergence of this new style was the architectural innovations of the 30s of the 12th century. However, it was in the Abbey of Saint-Denis, which played a special role in the fate of the French kings and which was headed by the educated, intelligent and energetic Abbot Suger, that all these prerequisites finally found the soil necessary for the decisive step towards the emergence of the Gothic style.

To summarize this chapter, we can conclude that the recognition of Gothic as a style of architectural art occurred at a difficult time for France, which is considered its homeland.

The power of the monarch in the domains of the feudal lords is nominal, and decisive steps are required to strengthen it. This step was the raising of the flag of St. Dionysius in the Abbey of Saint-Denis. Many historians attribute the authorship of this idea to Abbot Sugeria, who ruled the abbey at that time. It was this event that contributed to the formation of a national army, which was supposed to resist the coalition of the German and English kings.

Suger's participation in the political life of France allowed him to raise the abbey to a new level.

When reconstructing the abbey church, Suger used all the new architectural achievements of his time, which made it possible to create a unique masterpiece of political and social significance.

Thus, the significance of Suger - the abbot of Saint-Denis - and the position of the abbey itself in the life of France served as the basis for the emergence of a new style in architecture.

Abbot Suger as a major political and church leader of the Middle Ages attracted the attention of Russian researchers, but its role in the formation of aesthetic and architectural ideas was noted in Russian literature only sporadically. For researchers of medieval spiritual culture, Abbot Suger is interesting not only in himself - as the ideological inspirer and direct organizer of the Gothic “revolution” in architecture, but also as a person who left a description of the history of the transformation of the Abbey of Saint-Denis and set the standard for understanding new architecture.

The most complete study of Suger's artistic views is the commentary edition of the texts of Suger's works, translated from Latin into English, undertaken by the famous Austrian and then American theorist and art historian E. Panofsky. We will mainly use the results of this research, relying on the translation of the text and poetic inserts done by L.B. Sharinova.

First of all, it should be noted that the reconstruction of the Church of Saint-Denis was a consequence and concentrate of a number of events carried out by Suger. Firstly, this is the streamlining and strengthening of the state and economic position of France and its main abbey of Saint-Denis, undertaken with the active participation of Suger. The abbey for him is the center and symbol of France, and its transformation is not only an expression of the increased power of the country, but also a model for further achievements. Secondly, it was the development of a well-thought-out program of worship and mass ceremonies, which set a set of functional requirements for the layout and design of the church. Thirdly, Suger’s struggle to realize his ideas about the way of life and the role of the clergy, which was embodied in his reorganization of the life of the monastery, in his views on the role of public ceremonies and methods of their design.

The main ideological opponent of Suger was another major authority of the era - Bernard of Clairvaux, who consistently pursued a policy of implementing the ascetic doctrine of monasticism, increasing the role of personal responsibility of believers and preaching the ideal of apostolic poverty and simplicity of life for clergy, church services and decoration. Bernard equally hated both the excessive details and pomp of Romanesque architecture and the sophistication and sparkle of the works of the new Gothic style. Like St. Jerome earlier, he believed that the caves of the first Christian ascetics, the simplicity and severity of the first churches were true role models and a criterion for assessing the authenticity of the spiritual aspirations of the cathedral builders. His objections to the architectural decoration of the church are widely known: “And further, in the galleries, before the eyes of the brothers absorbed in reading, why is this absurd ugliness here, this amazing deformed proportionality and proportional deformity? Those obscene monkeys? Those ferocious lions? Those ugly centaurs? These half-human creatures? Those spotted tigers? These fighting warriors? Those hunters blowing their horns? Here you see several bodies with a single head, and there you see several heads on one body. Here you see a four-legged animal with the tail of a snake, and there a fish with the head of a four-legged animal. There the animal resembles a horse in front and a half-goat in the back; here the horned beast exposes the horse's hindquarters. In a word, there appears here on all sides such a rich and such astonishing variety of forms that reading marble sculptures seems more tempting than manuscripts, just as spending the whole day admiring piece after piece of these works is preferable to thinking about the Law of God.”



According to E. Panofsky, this description of a decorative ensemble “in the Cluny spirit” not only gives a concise formula for this ensemble, but also indicates that St. Bernard did not approve of art not because he did not feel its charms, but because he felt too keenly I could not help but consider them dangerous. He banished art as a manifestation of a transient rebellion against the eternal, human reason against faith, feelings against the spirit.

Suger had a different point of view. His worldview, which requires an acute experience of all phenomena of the world as manifestations of divine wisdom, as parts of a single world order, his passion for beautiful things found its support in the philosophy of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite.

The cult of St. Dionysius, to whom the monastery of Saint-Denis was dedicated, merged several mythical and historical figures, including the figure of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, the largest early Christian mystic and representative of Neoplatonic philosophy, a follower, in many matters, of the philosophy of Proclus, the author of called "Areopagitik". We have already spoken above about the aesthetic ideals of Proclus and the role of light in his philosophy. Pseudo-Dionysius developed and substantiated the ideas of experiencing the degrees of light as a way of cognition of the absolute.

The main provisions of the philosophy of Pseudo-Dionysius and their criticism can be found in the works of domestic scientists, but for us it is important that, considering the works of Pseudo-Dionysius to be the word of St. Dionysius himself, to whom the monastery was dedicated, Suger relied on his provisions as instructions from the saint about how one should comprehend God, and revealed what features should be primarily emphasized in the architecture of the temple. The works of Pseudo-Dionysius were well known to Suger, since it was the Abbey of Saint-Denis that became the historical center for their study and commentary, including in the person of such a major representative medieval philosophy, like John Scotus Eriugena.

It seems necessary to us to cite that passage from the preface of E. Panofsky to the works of Suger, which describes the main features of the philosophy of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and John Scotus Eriugena, which influenced the concept of worship and the temple in Suger.

“Our mind,” says Pseudo-Dionysius at the very beginning of his main work “On celestial hierarchy" (and therefore John Scotus at the very beginning of his commentary) - can rise to that which is not material only under the "physical guidance" of that which is material." Even to the prophets, God and the heavenly powers can only appear in some visible form. But this is possible because all visible things are “material sources of light,” reflecting intelligible things and phenomena and, finally, the true light of the Divine itself: “Every creature, visible or invisible, is light, called into life by the Father of light This stone or that a piece of wood is light to me For I perceive that it is good and beautiful; that it exists (according to) its own laws of proportionality; that in species and genus it differs from other species and genera; that it is determined by the quantity by which it is “one” thing; that he does not overstep the boundaries of his order; that he seeks his place according to his specific gravity.

As I comprehend these and other similar features in this stone, they become light for me, or rather, they enlighten (illuminate) me. For I begin to think where the stone is endowed with such properties; and soon, under the guidance of reason, I am led through all phenomena to that cause of all things, which gives them place and order, quantity, genus and species, quality and beauty, and essence, and all other gifts and endowments.

Thus, all material world becomes one big “light”, consisting of countless small sources of light, like many lanterns; every tangible, perceived thing, man-made or natural, becomes a symbol of that which is not perceived, a step on the path to Heaven; human mind, leaning towards “harmony and radiance”, which is the criterion of earthly beauty, feels “directed upward” to the transcendental cause of “harmony and radiance”, which is God.

This ascent from the material to the immaterial world is what Pseudo-Dionysius and John Scotus describe as the “anagogical approach” (literally: upward method); and this is what Suger professed as a theologian, proclaimed as a poet, and put into practice as a patron of the arts and organizer of liturgical spectacles. Stained glass, showing subjects of an allegorical rather than typological nature (for example, “Prophets carrying grain to the mill turned by St. Paul” or “Ark of the Covenant crowned with the Cross”), “drives us from the material to the immaterial, the spiritual.” The twelve columns supporting the high arches of the new aisle "represent a row of the Twelve Apostles", while the columns indoor gallery, also numbering twelve, "signify the (minor) prophets." And the ceremony of consecrating the new narthex was carefully designed to isolate the idea of ​​the Trinity: "there was one magnificent procession of three people" (one archbishop and two bishops), making three distinct movements, leaving the building through a single door, passing in front of the three main portals and the three of them returning to the church through another single door.”

E. Panofsky, among the many reasons that, in his opinion, caused the appearance of Suger’s notes, does not name the need to ensure an understanding of the new architecture, and we believe that this function of the notes was far from the least among personal and economic considerations. Suger not only wrote many poetic formulas of perception (though not forgetting to mention his name and emphasize his merits), but also placed them in the most important parts temple, thereby conveying his understanding and interpretation of the new architecture and decoration of the church to the broad masses of believers.

According to Suger, “purity of heart is necessary for serving God, but it is no less legitimate and effective to add to it the beauty of furnishings and decorations. Our limited spirit is able to comprehend the truth only through material ideas.”

Suger left a unique testimony about how the process of perception of architecture took place. “When, in my admiration for the beauty of the house of God, the beauty of multi-colored stones distracts me from external concerns, and worthy meditation prompts me to reflect on the variety of holy virtues, moving from the material to the immaterial, then I seem to myself to be in some unusual sphere of the Universe, which exists and does not completely in earthly dirt, and not completely in heavenly purity, and that with the help of God I can ascend anagogically from this lower world to that higher world.”

In a poem dedicated to the decoration of his church, Suger writes: “Do not pay attention to the gold, but marvel at the art of creation. the inert mind rises to truth through the material and, having previously been humiliated, rises again when it sees this light.”

Suger laid the foundations gothic aesthetics and set the norm for the perception of new architecture. It is characteristic that the emergence of new aesthetics and architecture took place in an atmosphere of reliance on the tradition of broad discussion, accompanied by a change in the functional program of worship.

gothic style stained glass

It is believed that Gothic art originated in a small state, which by that time was already called France. Its borders covered the territory from Compiegne to Bourges, and the center of this kingdom was the city of Paris.

Thinking about historical significance Church of Saint-Denis, two important factors should not be overlooked. Firstly, starting from the 10th century, trade gradually developed in the area where this monastery was located, as well as in other areas of Northern France, which led to a steady increase in population and increased prosperity. And secondly, by the time the start construction work After the reconstruction of the Church of Saint-Denis, i.e. by the first half of the 12th century, the power of the French kings was significantly strengthened, at least within the royal domain centered in Paris, as noted by researcher Rolf Thomann. A friend and advisor to Kings Louis VI (1108-1137) and Louis VII (1137-1180), Abbot Suger played a decisive role in the process of consolidating royal power. As Toman notes, this allowed him, sometimes by persuasion and sometimes by force, to return the monastic lands appropriated by local barons to the abbey's ownership.

This church not only became the center of the monastery and its land holdings, but is also believed to have played a key role in the establishment of the French monarchy. It is also noted that the new church in Saint-Denis could never have taken such an important place in the history of architecture if the latest achievements of the architecture of Ile-de-France, an area centered in Paris, under the direct control of the king, had not been used in its construction . We can agree that Romanesque architecture in this area was not as rich and varied as in Burgundy or Normandy, and yet in the second quarter of the 12th century, it was here that new directions in the development of architecture were born and began to take shape. Sources report that by that time Suger had already begun work on the new western facade of the Church of Saint-Denis. Although not strictly Gothic in style, this facade fit perfectly into the context of architectural innovations that arose and spread in those years in Paris and its environs. Therefore, the Church of Saint-Denis is not considered as a completely original first example of Gothic architecture, but rather as the main catalyst for the development of Gothic architecture, giving a powerful impetus to the movement that began a few years earlier.

Suger, from the Abbey of Saint-Denis, was one of the leading statesmen. Despite the fact that the borders of France differ from modern ones, the monarch of this country was distinguished, according to Rolf Thoman, by the sacred nature of his power, which endowed him with special authority in comparison with his neighbors - Champagne, England, and Normandy. . It is known that coming from a not very noble family, Suger was a childhood friend of Louis VI, with whom he was brought up together in the Abbey of Saint-Denis, and later of his successor Louis VII.

In 1122 Suger became abbot of the Abbey of Saint-Denis. As noted, he persistently set out to realize his dream: restoring the abbey and returning it to its former prestige.

This event, which played such an important role in the history of art, did not occur in “airless space”: it was motivated simultaneously by religious, aesthetic, and political reasons. These reasons are discussed in detail in the section of this book devoted to the early period of Gothic architecture in France. Bruno Klein in his work given in the book “Gothic. Architecture. Sculpture. Painting,” edited by Rolf Toman, identifies and analyzes the social, cultural, economic and technical prerequisites that allowed Suger and his architect to create a new type of temple architecture - “architecture of light,” designed to spiritually elevate the observer, raising him “from the material to the immaterial. Somewhat later, innovative architects, having developed the new concept of sacred architecture invented by Suger, were able to build great Gothic cathedrals thanks to it.

It is known that during the period from 1180 to 1270, towards the end of the Classical Gothic era, about eighty cathedrals were built in France alone. These include city episcopal churches. In addition, restorations were also carried out on numerous other types of church buildings (for example, monastic, collegiate and parish churches). It was in these cathedrals and episcopal churches that the new Gothic architecture found its characteristic embodiment. Appearing on the territory of the hereditary possessions of the French monarch (in the royal domain centered in Paris), and then on neighboring lands, cathedrals served as an extremely clear demonstration of royal prestige and power. Their spread went hand in hand with the expansionist policy of the French monarchs of the late 12th-13th centuries. Some historians even believe that the construction of Gothic cathedrals was one of the key factors in French dominance in medieval Europe. This dominant position was achieved mainly under King Philip II Augustus (1180-1223) and continued under Louis IX Saint (1226-1270). Starting from the 20s of the 13th century, other European countries (and England since 1170) adopted the “French style” most often, but not exclusively, due to the fact that it embodied the latest achievements in construction technology. So Gothic architecture became a pan-European style.

So, it was Abbot Suger, during the reconstruction of the abbey (1137-1144), who became the founder of a new type of temple architecture. For the first time in history, Suger and his architects, along with other innovations, resorted to a close combination of elements of Burgundian architecture (pointed arch) with elements of Norman architecture. Thanks to this, as Ralph Toman notes, Suger fully deserved the title of “father of Gothic.”

Peculiarities of worldview

At the heart of every worldview is a belief in something. In Christianity, it is faith in God. God in the Christian worldview is the Creator of the world and is established as the personal existence of the Supreme, his personal relationship with created beings and the universe as a whole through love, his dialogical self-disclosure in acts of revelation.

Church like social institution is in the Middle Ages an active participant in the structure of social life. Temple architecture- the embodiment of such a concept and with its help the values ​​of the Christian worldview were spread.

In Gothic art, everyday and spiritual life converge. It is important to note that most people at that time were illiterate, and art, in the service of the church, was able to develop an accessible system of images understandable to those who could neither read nor write.

Stained glass windows become a kind of illustrations to the Bible, accessible and understandable. Transforming the light, they created an atmosphere of magic and mystified the imagination to the limit.

The reflection of the worldview, or rather its orientation, is well reflected in the principle of alchemy, which is mentioned by V. Rokhtmistrov: “... it turns out that the main task of alchemy is the transformation of ignoble matter into noble matter...”. In fact, one can use this characteristic for the worldview on the part of those praying. Trying to get into the Kingdom of God, they really “transformed” the matter of their souls.

The following two functions play an important role in the worldview of people of that time - ideological and symbolic. At the same time, the first is reflected in the second, and it in turn turns into an allegory. For medieval man, everything visible was only a reflection of the invisible, higher world, its symbol. The cathedral personified the perfect form and influenced human soul. It is noted that all people of that period were more or less proficient in the language of symbols. Orientation to the cardinal points, architectural forms and details, color - everything was imbued with symbolism of perception. The psychology of perception of both the creators of temples and contemplatives, monks, and laity was very active. Worldview consists of a problem of perception. As S. Daniel notes, imagination played a huge role; it completed the missing chapters in this performance.

A vivid portrait of Abbot Suger is created by art historian Erwin Panofsky, author of the book “Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism” (1951), a fascinating story about the relationship between medieval art, philosophy and theology. In most of his works, Panofsky strives to present the history of art as component history of scientific thought. From these positions he approaches Abbot Suger. And yet, in a book dedicated to Suger, Panofsky manages to resurrect the unique personality of the abbot of Saint-Denis: “An ardent patriot and a zealous owner; somewhat prone to pompous speeches and in love with magnificent splendor, but practical and thorough in everyday affairs and moderate in personal habits; hardworking and sociable, good-natured and sensible, vain, witty and indomitably cheerful,” Suger undoubtedly knew how to enjoy life and was keenly receptive to the charm and splendor of beautiful things.

All these traits, and especially the love for beautiful things, sharply distinguished Suger from other outstanding personality that time - Saint Bernard of Clairvaux (1090 - 1153). This great Cistercian abbot, a passionate polemicist and the most powerful and influential monk of the 12th century, argued for the need for the strictest discipline in monastic life and the extreme self-restraint of monks in everything related to personal comfort, food and sleep. Filled with missionary zeal, Saint Bernard intervened energetically wherever, in his opinion, monastic life, liturgical practice or religious views lacked rigor or focus on main goal. He also spoke out extremely sternly against any deviation from orthodox positions in theology.

As for Abbot Suger, he valued discipline and modesty, but was strongly opposed to such “monastic virtues” as humiliated humility and asceticism. However, Suger could not discount Bernard’s opinion regarding Saint-Denis, since the pope himself was under the influence of the powerful Cistercian. It could not escape the attention of Saint Bernard that at times in the Abbey of Saint-Denis, so closely associated with the French monarchy, “undue things” are happening: “Without hesitation and unfeignedly they render to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s. But they are far from being so conscientious in rendering to God what is divine.” Presumably in 1127, in the sixth year of Suger’s tenure as abbot, Bernard congratulated his brother, who was closer to worldly affairs, on the successful “reform” in the Abbey of Saint-Denis. However, as Panofsky notes, “this “reform” not only did not weaken the political influence of the abbey, but also provided Saint-Denis with independence, prestige and prosperity, which allowed Suger to strengthen and legalize the traditional ties of this abbey with the French crown.” So why did Saint Bernard treat the state of affairs in Saint-Denis more tolerantly than in other monasteries that did not meet his harsh standards? What made him treat Abbot Suger with much more respect than all those whose views also displeased him? Panofsky concludes that there was some kind of tacit agreement between these two potential adversaries: “Realizing how much harm they could do to each other if they turned out to be enemies, the royal adviser [...] and the greatest spiritual leader of Europe, who mentored the pope himself, decided to become friends.”



Nevertheless, Abbot Suger and Saint Bernard were divided by a hidden opposition, which manifested itself, in particular, in the nature of innovations at the Abbey of Saint-Denis. Suger had a passionate love for sacred images and all kinds of decorations of the church interior, for gold, enamel and precious stones, in general, to everything shiny and sparkling; Stained glass windows aroused his special admiration. Bernard, on the contrary, condemned such decorations - not because he was immune to their charm, but because such things, in his opinion, distracted from pious reflection and prayer. As a result, the builders of Cistercian monasteries and churches, which were erected in abundance throughout Europe in the 12th and 13th centuries, had to adhere to the style prescribed by the ascetic aesthetics of St. Bernard with its many rules and restrictions. Nevertheless, the growing Cistercian order played an important role in the spread of Gothic art throughout Europe: it widely borrowed technical innovations that distinguished the constructive principles of Gothic, and was itself no stranger to innovation (for example, in the field of hydraulic engineering methods developed in the monasteries that were located remote from settlements valleys).



Pierre Abelard

To refute the idea that people in the Middle Ages were devoid of distinct individuality, we decided to include in this panoramic overview of medieval culture a brief account of another contemporary of Abbot Suger - a man who was also at odds with Saint Bernard and even came into conflict with him into open conflict. We're talking about a philosopher Pierre Abelard (1079-1142).

Joseph Pieper, in his book “Scholasticism” - a fascinating and colorful introduction to the subject of medieval philosophy - draws the following sketchy portrait of this scientist. “Pierre Abelard... as a boy he began to visit the famous philosophical school Roscelina. When he arrived in Paris he was barely twenty; After studying for another two or three years, he opened his own philosophical school, initially located in the suburbs. At the age of twenty-nine, thanks to his success in the field of teaching, he moved the school within the city limits - to the area where the university quarter is now located. In 1115, Abelard had already headed the cathedral school of Notre Dame - and he was then only thirty-five years old! Soon after this, he met Eloise. In his autobiographical “History of My Disasters” (“Historia calamitatum”), Abelard himself tells how, succumbing to sensual passion rather than love, he seduced this girl, his student. When Eloise gave birth to his child, they got married in secret.” The continuation of this story is tragic. Heloise's guardian took cruel revenge on Abelard: he suffered severe beatings and was castrated. As a result, the career of this illustrious and authoritative professor was cut short, and Abelard had to seek refuge in a monastery. The Abbey of Saint-Denis accepted him. But the famous love story, which we cannot trace in detail here, did not end there. Heloise also retired to a monastery, but the letters she exchanged with Abelard over the years indicate that the former lovers shared a close spiritual friendship until the end of their days.

In the person of Abelard, we see one of the first scientists of a new type - a professional thinker, or mental worker. This type began to emerge simultaneously with the revival of cities in the 12th century. At first, its characteristic representative was a school teacher, and then, from the 13th century, a university professor. The Italian scientist Giovanni Santini writes in his study on the early period of the University of Modena (one of the first Italian universities, founded at the end of the 12th century): “The precondition for the emergence of the “intellectual” as a new social type was the division of labor in cities - just like The prerequisite for the development of universities was a common cultural environment in which these newly-minted “cathedrals of science” arose, flourished and could conduct free debates among themselves.

Abelard played an important role in the development of Paris as a center of lively philosophical and theological debate. Medieval scientists received a lot of opportunities here to sharpen the blades of their intellect. But Abelard himself remained the most striking and eloquent speaker of that era. He participated in annual debates on the topic of universals - one of the main problems of medieval philosophy, and thanks to his dialectical work “Yes and No” (“Sic et non”), he entered, along with John Scotus Eriugena (9th century), Lanfranc (11th century .) and Anselm of Canterbury (11th century), among the founders of the scholastic method. The method of scholasticism - the dominant form of thinking and reasoning in medieval philosophy and theology - involved a long process of putting forward arguments and counter-arguments (sic et non), ultimately leading to a final “definition”. Thus, Abelard, along with other thinkers, laid the foundation of those “councils of ideas” that were to arise in the era of developed scholasticism, just as Abbot Suger, having reconstructed the monastery church, laid the cornerstone of all future Gothic cathedrals. However, as we have already noted in connection with Panofsky’s work “Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism,” such parallels are sometimes drawn too hastily and often do not withstand more careful analysis.

Abelard's philosophy, formed under the powerful influence of logic as an independent philosophical discipline, in light of its critical, anti-doctrinal tendencies, can be presented as a kind of early attempt at Enlightenment. The focus of Abelard's attention is often not so much theological as human problems. For example, when considering issues of ethics, Abelard emphasizes that an offense committed without conscious malice cannot be considered a sin. Following the dictates of our reason, we may be mistaken, but on this basis alone we are not yet guilty: after all, we were guided by the belief that we were doing good.

On the extremely pressing question of the relationship between faith and reason in that era, Abelard took a clearly progressive position, declaring that faith should be based only on rational understanding free from prejudice. In other words, Abelard was an early representative of the urban intelligentsia, who accepted most of the dogmas on faith christian church, but at the same time possessing a free and inquisitive mind.



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